Recent headlines have drawn attention to a joint submarine patrol conducted by Chinese and Russian forces, a move that signals deepening cooperation between two of America’s most significant geopolitical competitors.

While some may see this as a warning sign, it is essential to analyze both the intent and the actual military implications with clear eyes and steady resolve—the kind of approach demonstrated by President Trump throughout his administration.

The patrol itself, involving only two submarines, might appear minor on the surface.

Yet, its significance is rooted in the message it sends about the evolving partnership between Beijing and Moscow.

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As Lyle Goldstein, director of the Asia Program at the Defense Priorities think tank, observed, “I’d say this is simply an effort at deterrence. While it is hard to conceive of a scenario where they would embark on a war with the West simultaneously, they may benefit from some impression that could be the case.”

Goldstein’s assessment underscores a reality: the gesture is more about signaling and less about substantive military threat.

Both Russia and China are eager to present this patrol as a milestone in their military relationship.

According to a Chinese military expert, quoted in the state-run Global Times, “the first joint submarine patrol indicated a high level of strategic mutual trust between China and Russia.

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Having submarines keeping in contact requires not only higher technical expertise but also more in-depth exchanges.”

The patrol included the Russian submarine Volkhov and a Chinese submarine, accompanied by two Russian surface ships, the corvette Gromkiy and a submarine rescue vessel.

Sailing through the East China Sea and the Sea of Japan, these vessels conducted their maneuvers shortly after a separate anti-submarine exercise, further signaling their desire for a visible partnership.

Despite the headlines, both submarines were Kilo-class, a Soviet design from the 1970s that is known for being acoustically quiet but hardly cutting-edge by today’s standards.

As Goldstein noted, “It’s a logical choice, since China imported this type of submarine from Russia, so they have very similar capabilities and could make easy exercise partners.”

In other words, this exercise was limited in scope and technology, suggesting that both countries are cautious about revealing their most advanced capabilities to each other.

Goldstein points out that “so far, China and Russia are not cooperating—at least openly—in wielding nuclear-powered submarines.” This reluctance highlights the underlying mistrust and pragmatic nature of their partnership.

This cooperation between China and Russia is not born out of deep affection, but rather out of mutual interest and, in some ways, necessity.

History has shown that their relationship can turn sour. The two countries were allies in the 1950s, but by 1969 their troops clashed along the border.

Soviet leaders even contemplated a nuclear strike against China, and lingering territorial disputes still shape their dynamic.

As Goldstein remarks, “Both sides are somewhat chastened by the history of the Sino-Soviet dispute. They seem to realize that there are dangers in being too close, and also in being too dependent on one another.”

Some observers, like Richard Moss of the U.S. Naval War College, note that these exercises remain superficial compared to what the U.S. and its allies achieve.

“Neither side gave up anything the other participant didn’t already know by using Kilos,” Moss said.

“The level of interaction does not remotely approximate what the U.S. and its allies, such as NATO countries, do on a regular basis.” This is where the strength of American alliances, forged and reinforced under President Trump’s leadership, comes into clear focus.

President Trump pushed for greater burden sharing within NATO and demanded that allies meet their commitments, which resulted in a stronger, more unified deterrent against any adversary.

While the Chinese and Russian militaries put on public shows of cooperation, such as joint bomber patrols and naval exercises, Goldstein points out the limited scale and repetitive nature of these moves: “It is repetitive, consistent, quite small in scale, and often features a new dimension, whether technological or geographical.”

This is a far cry from the level of military integration and coordination the United States enjoys with its partners.

One possible motivation for this recent patrol, Goldstein suggests, is to send a signal in response to AUKUS, the Australia-United Kingdom-United States agreement designed to help Australia acquire nuclear submarines.

Goldstein notes, “I have seen substantial evidence that Chinese naval strategists are tracking AUKUS developments extremely closely and, moreover, that their threat anxiety about this program is acute.”

China and Russia see deeper cooperation in undersea warfare as a logical counter to these Western moves.

Yet, even if Beijing and Moscow someday commit their nuclear-powered submarines to joint operations, Goldstein warns against overreaction.

“Ever greater deployments of U.S. forces, and ever more intense exercising with allies, often goes beyond our intention and provokes a counter-reaction—and this can be seen in the budding China-Russia quasi-alliance.”

President Trump understood that a measured and strategic response, combined with strong alliances, was far more effective than knee-jerk escalation.

In the end, the true depth of the China-Russia alliance remains uncertain. Their practical cooperation is rooted in mutual interests, not shared values or unshakeable trust.

Because of this, America should approach these developments with vigilance and strength—qualities that President Trump brought to the world stage.

By prioritizing American interests, insisting on fair alliances, and never underestimating the value of strategic restraint, President Trump charted a course that kept America safe and respected. That is precisely the approach needed now.

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