In a marked departure from longstanding U.S. security messaging in Africa, American defense leaders are now urging partner nations to assume greater responsibility for their own defense rather than relying on Washington’s “whole of government approach” to stabilizing fragile states.
This shift was on full display during African Lion, the U.S. military’s largest joint training exercise on the continent, where troops from more than 40 countries spent four weeks rehearsing how to confront threats by air, land and sea.
“We need to be able to get our partners to the level of independent operations,” Gen. Michael Langley said in an interview with The Associated Press.
Langley, the U.S. military’s top official in Africa, highlighted the new emphasis on shared responsibility on the final day of maneuvers.
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“There needs to be some burden sharing,” he said, underscoring that American forces would begin to pull back from routine advisory roles and expect capable allies to pick up more of the operational load.
For decades, U.S. strategy in Africa rested on the idea that defense work must be integrated with diplomatic and development efforts—a premise now receding in favor of leaner, more mission-focused engagement.
During the desert drills, participating forces flew drones, simulated close-quarters combat and launched satellite-guided rockets, mirroring previous editions of African Lion, now in its 21st year.
Yet language that once set American engagement apart—championing good governance, environmental resilience and civilian-led solutions—has largely vanished from official statements.
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Instead, Washington’s messaging now centers on equipping African armies to manage violent extremist groups and other security threats with less direct U.S. oversight.
The change in tone coincides with a broader reorientation in U.S. defense priorities under the Trump administration, where protecting the homeland tops the list.
“We have our set priorities now — protecting the homeland. And we’re also looking for other countries to contribute to some of these global instability areas,” Langley said, referencing U.S. support for Sudan.
This reflects a wider push to “build a leaner, more lethal force,” a goal that could include cutting leadership positions and advisory posts in lower-priority theaters such as Africa.
Washington’s rivals have seized the opportunity to deepen their footprint on the continent. China has launched an expansive training program for African militaries, while Russian mercenaries have emerged as security partners of choice across North, West and Central Africa.
In response, U.S. officials believe that helping governments cultivate self-reliant armed forces is the best hedge against growing great-power competition.
Even a year ago, Langley defended the so-called “whole of government approach” as essential to countering layered threats ranging from environmental degradation to violent extremism.
“I’ve always professed that AFRICOM is not just a military organization,” Langley said last year.
He called good governance an “enduring solution to a number of layered threats — whether it be desertification, whether it be crop failure from changing environments, or whether it be from violent extremist organizations.”
Despite isolated successes—where combined development and defense efforts in places like Ivory Coast have helped tamp down jihadi violence—progress across the continent has been uneven.
“I’ve seen progression and I’ve seen regression,” said Langley, who is scheduled to exit his post later this year. The warning resonates as insurgent groups expand their reach and test the limits of waning U.S. engagement.
Indeed, while the U.S. has around 6,500 AFRICOM personnel deployed across Africa and provides hundreds of millions of dollars in security assistance annually, many armies remain ill-equipped and understaffed.
“We see Africa as the epicenter for both al-Qaida and Islamic State,” a senior U.S. defense official said earlier this month, noting the emergence of stronger regional affiliates and the relocation of Islamic State’s command and control to African soil.
The situation in Somalia illustrates the challenges of building self-sufficiency. Since the Trump administration increased airstrikes against al-Shabab and IS operatives, the Somali National Army has struggled to maintain ground security.
“The Somali National Army is trying to find their way,” Langley said, adding that they had regained some footing after years of setbacks. “There are some things they still need on the battlefield to be very effective.”
In West Africa’s vast Sahel region, the outlook is equally daunting. Rising violence has left local militaries grappling with logistical hurdles and limited air support.
“Many of them do not have very strong air forces and are not able to monitor the movement of militants, especially in areas where roads are very difficult to traverse, the infrastructure is extremely poor,” said Beverly Ochieng, an analyst at Control Risks who specializes in the Sahel and great power competition in Africa.
As the U.S. recalibrates its footprint across Africa, the success of this new burden-sharing approach will hinge on the ability of partner states to translate U.S. training and equipment into effective, sustainable security solutions.
Observers warn that without robust support, gains could unravel, leaving a vacuum for rivals and insurgents to exploit.
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